Notes to the Narrative

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In 1725 the English undertook two enterprises equally dangerous for our colony. One is a considerable establishment on the Ohio River by means of which they can come down to the Mississippi in four days and take themselves to the mouth of the Wabash River and put the Illinois behind them. […] The other enterprise which they undertook was to send a number of traders and a quantity of merchandise to the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations which are the center of our colony. We do not know at all what has happened among the Chickasaws. Fortunately among the Choctaws a little chief always devoted to Mr. de Bienville, formerly the governor, incited by a French interpreter whom he has been keeping there for twenty years, tomahawked an Englishman and that has put the others to flight, but we may expect that they will return and as soon as they are in control of these two nations they will have all the lower part of our colony destroyed when they wish to do so. […] Although it is true that the King has granted the proprietorship of the colony to the Company of the Indies his Majesty none the less retains the right to restore order in it when the Company governs it badly enough for it to be on the verge of being lost and of passing under the domination of the English."
 

Mémoire des Commissaires Francois, du 4 Octobre 1751. En Résponse aux Mémoires des Commissaires de sa Majesté Britannique, Des 21 Septembre 1750 & 11 Janvier 1751. p. 185: "Vers 1738 [sic], le sieur Popple publia une carte de toute l'Amerique septentrionale: il paroît que cet auteur a consulté les chartes & les anciens titres; il a marqué mieux que la plûpart des autres Géographes les limites des concessions accordées par les Rois d'Angleterre, soit qu'elles se concilient ou non avec les droits & les possessions des Autres Nations: il a entrepris sa carte avec l'approbation des Commissaires du bureau du commerce & des plantations, & il paroît qu'ils lui ont fait communiquer les arpentages qui leur avoient été transmis par les Gouverneurs des colonies Angloises; enfin cette carte est dédiée à la seue Reine d'Angleterre, qui accordoit une protection particulière aux arts & aux sciences. Dans cette carte, qui donne à la nouvelle E'cosse idéale, à peu près les limites désignées par la charte de Jacques I^er. de 1621, on restreint l'Acadie, & avec raison, aux seules côtes du sud-est de la péninsule. Les Mines & Chignitou sont marqués bien sensiblement n'en point faire partie, & être une dépendance de l'ancienne prétendue nouvelle E'cosse, & par conséquent de la nouvelle France, puisque cette prétendue nouvelle E'cosse n'étoit elle même qu'une partie de la nouvelle France. Le sieur Popple ayant travaillé sur les titres, comme la charte de la nouvelle E'cosse n'en porte point les limites jusqu'à celles de la nouvelle Angleterre, il s'est trouvé dans l'entre-deux une étendue de terrein assez considérable, auquel on ne pouvoit naturellement donner d'autre nom que celui de nouvelle France, dont il fait évidemment partie; mais comme cette dénomination pouvoit être contraire à d'autres vûes & à d'autres prétentions, il n'a pû trouver de meilleur expédient que de ne lui donner aucun nom. Enfin, un particulier Anglois, nommé le sieur Salmon, a publié en 1739, en trois volumes in 4^o. une histoire moderne qu'il prétend renfermer le système le plus complet & le plus exact d'histoire & de Géographie. Cette histoire est accompagnée de cartes, où le Géographe s'est conformé aux notions géographiques de l'auteur: dans celle des colonies Angloises, inférée à la page 425 du tome III, la nouvelle E'cosse comprend une partie de la péninsule, & l'Acadie propre n'en occupe que la côte du sud-est. Ce même auteur, en faifant la description de la nouvelle E'cosse, s'enonce de la forte, tome III, page 425. La nouvelle E'cosse, dans laquelle je comprends l'Acadie, &c. ce qui suppose que l'Acadie n'en est qu'une partie."
 

As to Mr. Salmon, the English Commissaries little expected ever to have heard his Authority cited in a national Discussion. The Author himself is a very obscure Man, in great Distress, who writes entirely for Bread, his Opportunities of Knowledge are very small, and his Knowledge is in Proportion to them, and the French Commissaries could not possibly have found any other Work upon any Subject in the whole English Language of so little Authority, and so little Credibility in all Lights as this History of Mr. Salmon's which they have cited; it would be endless to transcribe Instances of the Ignorance of this Author, upon whose Authority, should it ever be admitted in Discussions of this Nature, almost every Error in Fact, or in Geography, may be supported upon some Part of his Writings: We persuade ourselves that the French Commissaries would not have appealed to his Writings, as to any Authority, if they have been better informed of the Character and Situation of the Writer, and the universal Contempt shown to his Writings in his own Country, or if they had considered how little Credibility is due to his Testimony if his whole Account of America be taken together."
 

"This Day is publish'd PROPOSALS By Mr. HENRY POPPLE, For PRINTING by SUBSCRIPTION, A MAP OF NORTH-AMERICA, eight Foot six Inches long, and Eight Foot broad, from five to fifty-five Degrees of Latitude laid down according to Mercator's Projection; to be engraved by the best Masters, and printed upon the best Paper. Wherein are particularly describ'd all the known Rivers, Lakes, Mountains, Sand-Banks, &c. As also all the English, French, Dutch, Spanish, and other European Settlements, whether upon the Continent, or on the Islands, the exact Boundaries of the several English Colonies, as limited by their respective Charters, or settled by actual Surveys; and the Routs observed by the Indian Traders, English and French on the Continent, with the Passages discovered by the French from Quebec for a Communication with their Settlements about the Emboucheur of the River Mississipi, To which are added, several particular Draughts of the most noted Harbours, and some Prospects of the Principal Towns, and an exact Prospect of that very remarkable Fall of Niagara.

Mr. POPPLE undertook this Map with the Approbation of the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations; and great Care has been taken by comparing all the Maps, Charts, and Observations that could be found, especially the authentick Records and actual Surveys transmitted to their Lordships, by the Governors of the British Plantations, and others, to correct the many Errors committed in former Maps. This Map having been shewn to the Learned Dr. Edmund Halley, Professor of Astronomy in the University of Oxford, and F.R.S. he was pleased to give his Opinion of it in the Words following:I have seen the abovementioned Map, which, as far as I am Judge, seems to have been laid down with great Accuracy, and to shew the Position of the different Provinces and Islands in that Part of the Globe, more truly than any yet extant. EDMUND HALLEY.

The price to Subscribers is four Guineas, two down, and the other two on the Delivery of the Map (in the Manner promised by the Proposals) at Lady-day [March 25th - the first day of a year according to the English calendar] 1732, at the farthest; and since the Proposer has been obliged to defer it so long, on account of some further Helps he has obtained, and which have occasion'd Corrections in it, he thinks himself obliged to acquaint those Gentlemen who have already favour'd him with their Subscriptions, that he hopes they will excuse the Delay; but if not, he will, on sending their Receipts, return the Money received. PROPOSALS are deliver'd, and SUBSCRIPTIONS taken in, by Mr. Tonsson and Mr. Prevost in the Strand, Mr. Stagg in Westminster Hall, Mr. Brindley in New Bond-street, and Mr. Clark under the Royal Exchange."
 

"This Day is publish'd, Price Four Guineas, A Map of the British Empire in America, with the French and Spanish Settlements adjacent thereto: Wherein the exact Boundaries of the several British Colonies and Governments are delineated from their respective Charts. By HENRY POPPLE, Esq, F.R.S. This Map was undertaken with the Approbation of the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, and great Care as well as Time has been employ'd in comparing all the Maps, Charts, and Observations that could be found, especially the authentick Records and actual Surveys transmitted to their Lordships by the Governors of the British Plantations, and others, to correct the many Errors committed in former Maps. The original Drawing of this Map having been shewn to the learned Dr. Ed. Halley, Professor of Astronomy in the University of Oxford, and F.R.S. he was pleas'd to give his Opinion of it in the Words following: I have seen the abovemention'd Map, which as far as I am Judge, seems to have been laid down with great Accuracy, and to shew the Position of the different Provinces and Islands in that Part of the Globe, more truly than any yet extant. ED. HALLEY.

This Map is above eight Feet Square, is pasted upon Cloth, with neat Rollers, and distinctly colour'd: Those that chuse, may have Prints from the several Plates bound up in Pasteboards in the Nature of an Atlas, with which is also bound the same Map, reduced to so small a Scale, as to be contain'd in one Sheet; which may be had separate. Price 2 s. Sold by W.H. Toms, Engraver, in Union-Court, near Hat-on-Garden, Holbourn; G. Foster, Print-seller, and Mess Innys and Manby, in St. Paul's Church-Yard; J. King in the Poultry; E. Cummins, at the Royal-Exchange; J. Senex and P. Overton in Fleet-street; P. Fourdrinier, R. Amy, and S. Winbush, at Charing-Cross; J. Stagg and R. Hulton, in Westminfter-Hall; R. Amey in the Court of Requests; R. Dodsley, in Pall-Mall; J. Jolliffe, in St. James's-street; J. Brindley, and W. Shropshire, in Bond-street."
 

THE GENERAL EVENING POST, August 9-11, 1739. "On Monday next will be publish'd, MR. HENRY POPPLE's large MAP (full eight Feet square) of the British Empire in North America, with the French, Spanish, and Dutch Settlements, adjacent thereto; Which while in Mr. Popple's Possession was never sold under Four Guineas; Is now offered to the Publick for One Guinea and Half in Sheets, by S. Harding, Bookseller, on the Pavement in St. Martin's-lane; W. H. Toms, Engraver, in Union-Court, near Hatton Garden, in Holborn; and S. Birt, Bookseller, in Ave-mary-lane, near Ludgate-street. This curious Map was undertaken with the Approbation of the Right Honourable the Lord's [sic] Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, and is allow'd by all Judges to be executed in a most exact and grand Manner, the Author having spared no Expence to make it the completest [sic] Map of it's Kind. The learned Dr. Edmund Halley was pleased to give his Opinion of it in the Words following: I have seen the above-mentioned Map, which, as far as I am Judge, seems to have been laid down with great Accuracy, and to shew the Position of the different Provinces and Islands in that Part of the Globe, more truly than any yet extant. ED. HALLEY. N.B. This Map has not yet been exported, and but few printed off, by reason of its former large Price. But for a greater Encouragement to Merchants, or others, going on trading to Foreign Parts, shall (besides the considerable Abatement already proposed) have a further Allowance made them upon purchasing a Number together. At present may be had some which are pasted on Cloth and Rollers to them, and also a few bound up in Books, in the Nature of an Atlas."

THE LONDON EVENING-POST, August 16-18, 1739. Copy is too poor to be fully transcribed. "This Day is publish'd MR. HENRY POPPLE's large MAP" is confirmed in the advertisement. The ad lists only S. Harding, W. H. Toms and S. Birt as sellers of the map.

THE LONDON EVENING-POST, December 8-11, 1739. "Just publish'd, MR. HENRY POPPLE's large MAP of the British Empire in America; with the French, Spanish and Dutch Settlements, adjacent thereto; which very distinctly shews all the Places where the Seat of Action in the West-Indies is likely to be in the present War with Spain. (Compris'd in fifteen whole Sheets, and five half Sheets of Imperial size Paper, with the particular Contents of each Sheet printed) Which Map was never sold under Four Guineas by Mr. Popple, but now is offer'd to the Publick at the following Prices, with the small Map, (design'd by Mr. Popple as an Index) which is given gratis on buying either of the following Sorts.

THE GENERAL EVENING POST, July 10-12, 1740. This advertisement is basically the same as the advertisement in THE LONDON EVENING-POST of December 8-11, 1739 provided above.
 

"MR. POPPLE's Map of AMERICA printed on twenty Sheets of Imperial Paper, [done from the] latest, and most correct Draughts and Surveys. The CONTENTS of this MAP are as ["below" or "follows"]: [This part of copy too poor to be transcribed. However, it appears to be an exact copy of the text of the marketing advertisement leaf shown here in Fig. 20 - starting with 'It is laid down from the 5th to the 55th Degree ….' and ending with '…. or who would attain any tolerable Idea, of the European Acquisitions in North-America.' ] Formerly sold by Mr. Popple for Four Guineas, and now sold by S. Harding, on the Pavement in St. Martin's Lane; and W.H. Toms, in Union-Court, near Hatton-Garden, Holborn, for One Guinea and Half in Sheets and Two Guineas bound and colour'd."

THE LAST OF TOMS & HARDING'S ADVERTISEMENTS OF POPPLE'S MAP. THE GENERAL EVENING POST. (LONDON.), July 23-25, 1745. Supplied by Donald Hodson. The same advertisement appeared in THE DAILY ADVERTISER on July 25, 1745; July 26, 1745; and July 27, 1745.

"Mr. Popple's MAP of North-America, Either in Large or Small, May be had at S. Harding's, on the Pavement in St. Martin's Lane or of W. H. Toms, Engraver in Union Court, near Hatton-Garden, Holborn; DONE from the latest and most correct Draughts and Surveys, transmitted to the Right Hon. the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. It is laid down from the 5th to the 55th Degree of North-Latitude, and therein comprehends the several British Plantations and Colonies. The Settlements of the French along the extensive Lakes and Rivers of St. Lawrence in Canada, and the Missisippi. The Coasts and Colonies settled or claimed by the Spaniards. Also the Dutch Colony of Surinam. All which shews its Usefulness to the Four great Trading Nations of Europe, and all others concerned in Commerce with, or who would attain any tolerable Idea, of the European Acquisitions in North-America. N.B. Both the large Map and the small, at a very great Expence, were most accurately and neatly engraved."
 

"This Day was publish'd, POPPLE'S MAP of the British Empire in America, with the French and Spanish Settlements adjacent thereto. This Map is contain'd in twenty-one Plates, on fine Imperial Paper, and now sold in Sheets, at 1 £. 1 s. bound 1 £. 6 s. colour'd on Rollers, at 2 £. 2s. N.B. It was originally sold for four Guineas. Sold by J. Boydell, Engraver, at the Unicorn, the Corner of Queen street in Cheapside, where may be had the best Ground for Etching."
 

The NEWBERRY LIBRARY description of the only copy of State 1 located [census no.C1]. Cat. No. Ayer * 133 P83 1733, re-cataloged: TEMP * AYER map 7C G3300 1733 .P6. The reference to "state 1" in this description is to the classification by Cumming & Wallis (1972). "Index map, state 1. Large map, apparently state 1, except that the last part of the imprint "& R.W. Seale, 1733" has been erased from the page. The thinness and abrasion to the paper show that the erasure was made to the paper and not to the plate, and the length of the erasure suggests that Seale's name was also removed, and not just the date, which appears on prints taken from state 2 of the plate. The sheets are tipped to guards and sewn together. Only the spine of the original binding remains, both boards being missing. The front fly leaf, to which the index map is attached, is detached from the book block. Condition rather fragile, the bottom edges of some of the first sheets chipping with very slight loss of map surface. Attractive coloring, doubtless contemporary, the verdigris from the green wash having damaged and weakened the paper in places [typical of early coloring. Copy C4 at the New York Public Library (State 2b) appears to be damaged in the same way - M.B.]. Some cracks and tears, easily mended. George Bancroft's bookplate laid in. In a Newberry Library drop-spine box."

HENRY STEVENS' description of State 1a? (Stevens 1948, Item No. 173): "RARE EARLY ISSUE OF POPPLE'S MAP. [Item] 173 POPPLE (Henry). A Map of the British Empire in North America [sic], with the French and Spanish Settlements adjacent thereto. London, Engrav'd by Willm. Henry Toms, (1732?). Engraved on 20 sheets, with Key Map and Contents Leaf. Half morocco. Fine copy. Folio $250.00*** First Edition, and apparently the earliest impression, without the name of a bookseller on the title map, and with "London, Engrav'd by Willm Henry Toms" on the last sheet, with the date 1733 inserted in ink by an early hand. This is obviously earlier than any of the three impressions described by Lowery [Lowery & Phillips 1912, 265-67] as being in the Library of Congress. Sabin, 64140, describes the John Carter Brown copy, which has a slightly different title and bears the publisher's name. This is rightly considered the finest map of North America produced up to the date. The 20 sheets when joined together form a map about 7 ft. 6 ins. square. It covers the whole of North America from Labrador in the North (Including the West Indies) to the Northern part of South America, and from the Atlantic Sea-board, to New Mexico in the West. In the top left-hand corner are Views of "Niagara" and "Mexico City" and in the top right hand corner are "Quebec" and "New York," each measuring 10½ by 5 ins., with lettered references. There are also numerous inset charts of the principal ports and harbours. A Fine large scale Map, 45 miles to the inch, decorated with ships, views and insets."

M.B.: I speculate that State 1a of Popple's 20-sheet map, suggested by Henry Stevens' 1948 catalogue description provided above, has the Sheet 20 imprint "London Engrav'd by Will.^m Henry Toms", with no copy yet located. I speculate that the Newberry Library copy [census C1] of Popple's map is an example of State 1 (later than State 1a) which had the imprint of "London Engrav'd by Will.^m Henry Toms & R.W. Seale" - before the erasure of the text "& R.W. Seale" on that copy. Both State 1a and State 1 would not have the engraved date of "1733".

A part of the imprint on Sheet 20 of this Newberry copy [census C1] has been erased. The remaining part of the engraved imprint contains only Toms' name and no engraved date (the date "1733" on the copy is in modern pencil). I believe that before erasure the imprint contained additional text "& R.W. Seale" only. The Newberry description declares that "the length of the erasure suggests that Seale's name was also removed, and not just the date". I think that this description is just an unfortunate attempt to conform to the Cumming & Wallis (1972) classification. I believe that the erasure is not long enough to have removed the whole text "& R.W. Seale, 1733." A careful inspection shows that the erasure goes only 12mm to the right of the outermost vertical thin neatline of the map's printed border. This would suffice to erase the text "& R.W. Seale" which should extend 11 mm to the right of that vertical neatline. But the erasure would have to extend 20 mm to the right of the outermost vertical neatline to erase the text "& R.W. Seale, 1733."

The text "& R.W. Seale" was added later to the imprint on Popple's map. This text runs at a slightly different angle than the preceding text "London Engrav'd by Will.^m Henry Toms" and the letter "W" in " R.W. " is engraved quite differently than "W" in " Will.^m ". While the imprint ending on "Toms" would fit entirely under the map border, the imprint with Seale's name sticks out to the right into the empty margin - giving the appearance of a later addition. I am certain that the whole imprint would have been engraved to position both of the names neatly under the border - if the very first issue of the map started with both names. This suggests the existence of my hypothetical State 1a. In State 2, the "1733" date was added to stake out Popple's claim for early publication.
 

WILLIAM DOUGLASS IN 1747 ON LOGWOOD TRADE BEING THE BUSINESS OF NEW ENGLAND (Douglass 1747, 87-89): "The cutting and carrying of logwood, formerly from the Bay of Campeche, and laterly [sic] from the Bay of Honduras, in the Gulph of Mexico to Great-Britain and sundry European Markets; has been for some Time a Branch of the British America Trade, but more especially of New-England. This Logwood Business has been carried on for about eighty Years, ever since Anno 1667, by a Sort of Indulgence; this Indulgence was confirmed Anno 1670 by the American Treaty with Spain, viz. The English to remain in the Occupancy of all Territories and Indulgencies of which they were then in Possession. Anno 1716, The Spanish Ambassador at the Court of Great-Britain [Marquis de Monteleone] entered a Complaint to the King in Council, against the English Subjects Cutters of Logwood in the Bays of Campeche, &c: This was referred to the Board of Trade and Plantation [by letter from Mr. Secretary Methuen dated November 15, 1716 but reviewed by the Board 8 months later on July 12, 1717]; they made Report [on September 25, 1717 - see Calendar for 1717, Item No. 104] that "By the American Treaty Anno 1670, there was confirmed to the Crown of Great-Britain, a Right to the Laguna de Terminos (Bay of Campeche) and Parts adjacent in the Province of Jucatan; these Places at the Time of the Treaty, and some Years before, being actually in Possession of the British Subjects through Right of Sufferance or Indulgence." This same Right or Liberty is absolutely granted and confirmed by the Treaty of Utrecht 1713. Notwithstanding of this Representation, and without allowing sufficient Time for the Logwood Cutters to withdraw (if the Court of Great-Britain had judged it proper) the Spaniards from Tobasco, drove them off, it has never since been used by the British. […] That Year in which this Logwood-Bay was cut off, Anno 1717, were imported into the Port of London 5,863 Tuns [sic] Logwood. Since our People have been dislodged from the Bay of Campeche, they followed the same Business in the Bay of Honduras on the East Side of Jucatan, their Dye-Wood [Logwood] is not so good, and the Mouths of their Rivers (Old and New River) are more shallow."

SPANISH GUARDA COSTAS OPERATING FROM TOWN OF CAMPEACHY (S.^t Francisco de Campeche ON POPPLE'S MAP). THE AMERICAN WEEKLY MERCURY [Philadelphia], From Thursday, February, 19. to Tuesday, February 24. 1729-30. No. 529. Philadelphia, February 19. Monday last arrived here the Sloop Olive Branch, N. Legall Master, she left Jamaica in the Fall, being bound for this Place, but was taken by a Spanish Guard la Coast and carried into Campeachy, where she was detained two Month; and though the Spaniards could find nothing on board, that might make her a lawful Prize, it cost the Merchants 700 Pieces of Eight, in Presents to the Officers, &c. before they could get away."
 

ENGLISH & NEW ENGLAND LOGWOOD TRADERS IN THE BAY OF CAMPECHÉ, 1730. THE AMERICAN WEEKLY MERCURY [Philadelphia], From Thursday, February, 19. to Tuesday, February 24. 1729-30. No. 529. "New-York, February 16. On Saturday last two Sloops arrived here one from Jamaica, the other from South-Carolina, the first gives Account, That the Spaniards have taken 14 English Vessels in the Bay, and 10 of the Masters were come to Jamaiaca [sic] before they left the Island, and two of said Masters are come to New-York: That a Spanish Pirate also lately took a large Sloop belonging to Mr. Fanniel of Boston, and in cold Blood cut the Master and all his Men to pieces, saving only the Cabbin-Boy." Galfridus Gray writes that this report was printed in the London Daily Post-Boy on May 26, 1730 (not reviewed ). Gray makes it clear that he understood the "English Vessels" and the New England "Sloop belonging to Mr. Fanniel of Boston" to be ships of logwood traders in the Bay of Campeachy. Gray (1730): "Your Lordships know that the logwood trade must be a great advantage to the Nation, both to the Crown and subjects, it was wholly in our hands, it paid 4l. per tun duty to the King, and altho' the common price in the Bay [of Campeachy] was 5l. per tun, the merchant had a sufficient profit, it sold for 13 sometimes up to 18 or 20l. per tun; that it was a great advantage is evident by the risques run to get it, since the bay have been taken from us, contrary to Treaty [of Utrecht]; By so late an account as the 26th of last month, we are told in the daily Post Boy, 14 more of our ships are taken by them [Spaniards]; also in the same paper, it is said, that the Spaniard had taken another belonging to New England, and cut all that sloop's Company to peices [sic] in cold blood, only the cabin boy escaped, this is not a singular instance, but a late one."

NEW ENGLAND MEN IN BAY OF HONDURAS, 1730. THE AMERICAN WEEKLY MERCURY [Philadelphia], From Thursday, June 11. to Thursday, June 18. 1730. No. 546. "Philadelphia, June 18. We have Advice by Capt. Burrows, from the Bay of Honduras (but last from Jamaica) that when he was in the Bay, in February last; the Spaniards had taken Seven sail of Vessels, most of them New England and Rhode-Island Men, and likewise Capt. Burrows Sloop, but his Men, and the Bay Men from the shore, fired so briskly on the Spaniards, they were forced to quit her, and so got his Sloop again, also a Brigantine which was afterwards taken."

EMANUEL BOWEN on Laguna Termina shown on Popple's 20-Sheet Map (Bowen 1747, 607-608): "The Spaniards having denied the Right of the English to cut Logwood in its Bay, […] the matter was referred to the Board of Trade, who made a Report, 'That the Bay of Campeachy might so far be call'd the property of England, that the English for some Years before, as well as after the American Treaty in 1670, enjoy'd an uninterrupted Liberty of cutting Logwood in the Laguna de Terminos (which lies at the bottom of the Bay) and other Places not inhabited by the Spaniards in the Province of Jucatan, either through Right, Sufferance, or Indulgence: That the said Treaty even established a Right in the British Crown to the said Laguna and Parts adjacent, which had been for some Years before, as well as at the time of the Treaty, in the Possession of the English ; and that though the Right of the British Crown to the said Laguna should not be insisted on, the same Liberty was actually granted and confirmed by the Treaty of Commerce at Utrecht.'"
 

This Trade of Logwood, the cutting of which has render'd the Bay of Campeachy such a Den of Thieves, is in short this: That whenever the Sailors get in Debt or desperate Circumstances, either at Jamaica or any where else in that Part of the World, they have no way to recover their Fortunes, but to get Passage on board any Vessel going to Campeachy for Logwood, and so go on Shore and fall to work: The whole Cargo the Man carries with him, is a Sett of Axes and Hatchets, Saws and great Knives, with an Iron Crow, a small Grindstone, a Gun with store of Powder and Ball, and Small-shot, a Tent, and a Sea Bed; all these go into a Chest, and the Bed and Tent are ty'd to it; so that his Baggage is not much in Bulk, and the Ships will give him his Passage for his Work.Here his Business is to cut Logwood, as near the Water-side as he can. The Ketches from New England at a certain time coming to Jamaica with Provisions, and wanting Freight back, come hither to load Logwood; and finding Logwood-cutters well furnish'd, they buy it of them.

Sometimes if a Man works hard, and loses no time, and especially if two or three work together, they shall lay up in one Season very considerable Piles of Wood; and if they are minded to leave the Place, any of the Ships will take them in, and carry them away. Now thus far, for the first part, it is all honest and fair; but then comes the wicked part: When any Gang of ill-designing Fellows at Jamaica, (for there it generally begins) among the English, or at Martinico among the French, have a mind to go upon the Account, (so they call the Buccaneering or Pirating Trade) they have nothing to do but fit out a Sloop or a Ship, and away to Sea; and not finding Hands enough, or not being willing to take too many on board publickly, lest they should be discover'd, away they go to the Bay of Campeachy, and to the Harbour of Triest, for Men: Here coming among the Logwood-cutters, and giving them good Store of Liquors, telling them fine Stories of the glorious Designs they have in their Heads, they never fail to get as many bold Fellows well arm'd, and all good Seamen too, as they please. And thus the Buccaneers and Pirates also have often been mann'd, and often recruited too, when they have been in Distress for Men to prosecute their Adventures. And this is what I call the wicked part of it.

But the Spaniards, who have better look'd after their Affairs in America of late than ever they did, have almost broke the Neck of this Trade since the Year 1722, when five Spanish Frigates, whereof two carried 44 Guns each, came into the Bay, took or burnt 12 English Ships belonging to New England, New York, and the Colonies thereabouts, and burnt all the Logwood they could find already cut, pursuing the Fellows that had cut it as ar as they could into the Woods, where many of them were kill'd; and the rest had as well have been kill'd, for being left without Tools to work, or Ships to carry them off, they must certainly have perish'd, or been oblig'd to surrender to the Spaniards, which they always think worse than Death. And thus ended the Rendezvous, nor is it ever likely to be carried on again.

The Logwood Trade was carried on chiefly at an Island or two, in the Mouth of a small River just in the Bottom of this Bay: The Islands are call'd, 1. Triest Island; 2. Port Royal Island: And within the River there is another call'd One-Bush-Key.The Waters within these Islands are call'd the Logwood Creeks: And as the Spanish Men of War could not come into these Creeks, so the Logwood-cutters had time to bury their Axes and other Tools, and prepare to defend themselves: But when the Spaniards appear'd with their Boats well mann'd, the Cutters soon found they were too weak to stand it, and fled; those that did so early, got away, but some that were too bold fought desperately, and were all cut in pieces by the Spaniards. […]"
 

(Keith 1719) February 16, 1719. "From the time that the French first discovered the River Mechasippi they have with great care endeavoured and at length have actually settled a communication between Canada and the Southern countries on the said river. First they sail in cannoes from Mount Real about three leagues to the fall of St. Lewis, where they have a portage or carrying place by land about half a league; then they reimbark and row up the stream about sixty leagues to Fort Frontenac on the North side and at the beginning of Lake Ontario. […] From thence they proceed on the Lake Ontario, generally reputed to be about eighty leagues in length, to those dreadful Falls of Niagara, which oblige them to land; the portage is about three leagues; after which they reimbark and go up the Strait about six leagues into the Lake Erie, reputed to be 130 leagues in length. And from this Lake they have three different routs to the River Mechasippi. The first and shortest passage by water is to go up the River Miamis or Ouamis that enters Lake Erie on the South West, about 150 leagues, then they come to a carrying place of about three leagues, where is the highest land, and from hence the waters divide their descent between Mechasippi and that Lake; Here they embark on a small shallow river called la Riviere de Portage, down which they row forty leagues to the River Wabash or Ouabache, and on that river, as the traders reckon, 120 leagues to the River Ohio, into which the other falls, then 80 leagues down Ohio to Mechasippi, and thence 350 leagues to the Bay of Mexico. […] The other two passages are both prick'd down in Hennepin's Map [*] and according to the accounts given are thus, From the North East of Lake Erie they sail eight leagues to a fort on the Lake St. Claire, called Pont Chartrain […]; then along the Lake seven leagues, thence to the great Lake Huron about ten leagues; On this Lake they proceed to the Straits Missilimakina 120 leagues. […] From the Lake Huron they pass by the Strait Missilimakina four leagues, being two in breadth and of a great depth, to the Lake Illinois, thence 150 leagues on the Lake to Fort Miami situate on the mouth of the River Chigagou [**]; This Fort is not regularly garrisoned. […] Up the River Chigagou they sail but three leagues to a portage of a quarter of a league, then they enter a small lake of about a mile, and have another very small portage, and again another of two miles to the River Illinois, thence down the same 130 leagues to Mechasippi. The third is from Missilimakina on the Lake Illinois to the Lake des Puans ninety leagues, thence to the River Puans eighty leagues, thence up the same to a portage about four miles over to the River Ouisconsing, thence forty leagues to the Mechasippi."

[*] - Keith's reference to "Hennepin's Map" is probably to the 1698 map "A MAP || of a Large Country || Newly Discovered || in the || NORTHERN AMERICA || Situated between || NEW MEXICO || And the Frozen Sea || together with the Course || of the Great River || MESCHASIPI || Dedicated to his Ma.^ty || WILLIAM III || King of Great Britain || By Father || LEWIS HENNEPIN || Missionary Recollect and || Apostolic Notary" [for picture of map and analysis see Benson (1995, No. 8B)] which first appeared in "A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, Extending above Four Thousand Miles, Between New France and New Mexico; with a Description of the Great Lakes, Cataracts, Rivers, Plants, and Animals. […] By L. Hennepin, now Resident in Holland. […] LONDON, Printed for M. Bentley, J. Tonson, H. Bonwick, T. Goodwin, and S. Manship. 1698" (Howes 1994, H406). This map contains the "prick'd" French travel "passages" between "Frontenac Fort" and the "Mouth of the Meschasipi" - one along "Illinois R" from "Fort of Miamis", the other along "Ouisconsing R" from the unnamed bay (Puans Bay) next to "Cape Puans". The map is of size 427 mm width x 368 mm height. This map with English place-names is a slightly reduced version, from a different plate, of the original 1697 map "CARTE || d'un tres grand PAIS || Nouvellement découvert || dans || L'AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE || entre le || NOUVEAU MEXIQUE et la || Mer Glaciale || avec le Cours du Grand Fleuve || MESCHASIPI || Dedieé a || GUILIAUME III^E || Roy de la Grand Brettagne || Par le R. P. || LOUIS DE HENNEPIN || Mission: Recoll: et Not: Apost: || Chez G. BROEDELET || a Utreght" [for picture of map see Johnson (1974, 150-151)] which first appeared in "Nouvelle Decouverte d'un Tres Grand Pays Situé dans l'Amerique, entre Le Nouveau Mexique, et La Mer Glaciale, […] Par Le R. P. Louis Hennepin, Missionaire Recollect & Notaire Apostolique. A Utrecht, Chez Guillaume Broedelet, Marchand Libraire. MDCXCVII." (Howes 1994, H406). The 1697 map with French place-names also contains the "prick'd" French travel "passages" between "Fort de Fontenac [sic]" and the "Embouchure de Meschasipi" - one along "R. des Illinois" from "Fort des Miamis", the other along "Riviere Ouisconsing" from "Baye de Puans". The map is of size 442 mm width x 375 mm height.

[**] -- Buisseret (1991) states that Fort Miami did not exist: "Popple had to rely […] on French sources for his information, which is why the place-names are a curious mixture of French and English. At the head of Green Bay we recognize the "Mission de Saint François Xavier," and at the future site of Chicago the (imaginary) Fort 'Miamis'."
 

Brown ink and grey wash (?) color. Title in cartouche at bottom left: "A || Map or Plan of || the mouth of Alat || amaha: River || with the Adjacent Lands." The map covers an area of about 36 miles east-west and 32 miles north-south in length, centered around the outlet of the Alatamaha River into the Atlantic Ocean. At the outlet of the Alatamaha River "Fort King George" is shown and nearby, within the river to the west, separated from the Fort by "Cyprus swamp" and "Swampy Land", is "A Large Cyprus Island". The Alatamaha river is shown from its mouth to a few miles inland. Surrounding the river on the south-west and north-east sides are swamp lands delimited by lines running basically parallel to the river. The annotations within these river-bordering strips of land are: on the south-west side - "Between the line and the River is Cyprus Swamps", on the north-east side - "Between the Line and the River is low Cyprus Swamp". Close to and south-west of Ft. King George the land is labeled "Swampy Land", "Cyprus swamp" and in two places "Swamp". Two roads are shown by dotted lines ending at Ft. King George. The road running north-west from the Fort along the Alatamaha River is labeled "Road to the Okonees", the other road running straight north is labeled "Road to Pallachucolas". The coastal waters in the ocean are labeled "Shoal Water" and a number of soundings both in "Feet" and "Fathoms" are shown. The inlet off Doboy Island is labeled "This Inlett not well Sounded so uncertain". A Scale of Miles is shown above the title cartouche labeled: "A Scale of Seven Miles a mile in half an Inch". Map border: two parallel lines, 2 mm apart.

Paper watermarked just above title cartouche with "Strasburg Bend & Lily" of the type shown in Churchill (1935, Nos. 429-34 and 436-37). No countermark found, i.e. the direction of tilt in the lines within the shield cannot be established - seen differently from recto and verso of map. The height of the watermark from top tip of fleur-de-lis to bottom tip of shield is 121 mm. The watermark found on Barnwell's large c. 1721 map of the Southeast (Cumming 1998, Nos. 184A) is a Strasburg Bend and Lily similar to Churchill (1935, Nos. 437). In bottom left corner, within borders, green ink stamp of Garden Library, New York Southern Society. Size within borders: 467 mm wide x 416 mm high. Map originally was separate and folded into 4 sections along vertical and horizontal centerfolds. At some point later the map was bound into an atlas or book - remains of old guard present along the vertical centerfold. Cumming (1998, No. 177) describes a manuscript map by Barnwell at the P.R.O., London [Call No. C.O. 700, No. 1], entitled A Map or Plan of the Mouth of Alatamahaw River with the adjacent Lands, c. 1721, slightly smaller (464 mm x 410 mm), with identical scale of 1 mile in half an inch, but without any soundings. The proposed fort on St. Simons Island is not mentioned in Cumming's description of No. 177.
 

"A Table comparing this, with M.^r Popple's, Map of the British Empire in America, 1733.

Bowen's Vast Atlantic Ocean, 1740, Foster's Seat of War, 1740 and Foster's February 22, 1740 advertisement in The Daily Post contain the same numerically specific critiques of Popple's Longitude/Latitude positioning of "Puerto Bello" as Bowen's Sequel above. The following year Thomas Gardner used Foster/Bowen's data to criticize Popple by name at p. 63 of his Description of the Principal Objects of the Present War, 1741. In turn Campbell (1741) used Gardner's description to also comment on Popple's map. Referring to Popple as "Some Author", Campbell writes in his description of "Porto Bello" at p. 185-8: "Some Authors place it in the Latitude of 9^o 54', and in the Longitude of 82^o 52' [sic] [last 2 digits transposed], whereas in reality it lies in 9^o 33' Latitude, and in 79^o 45' Longitude, that is, West from London." The actual position of Porto Bello is Lat. 9^o35'N, Long. 79^o42W [Oxford Atlas of the World, 6th ed., 1998], thus Foster/Bowen/Gardner/Campbell's criticism of Popple on this issue was justified.
 

Bellin (1741-51, 5-6): PANAMA. "Côtes de l'Amérique depuis la Californie jusqu'au Cap de Horn. […] Suivant ces observations Panama est placé 82. degrez 6. minutes à l'Occident du Méridien de Paris; cette détermination Astronomique est d'autant plus certaine qu'elle résulte de deux observations rapportées dans les Mémoires de l'Académie des Sciences, qui ont été faites en différens tems, & par des (a) Observateurs différens. Elle est encore appuyée par la longitude de Portobello qui a été observée par le P. Feuillé & M. Couplet le fils. Cette détermination est différente des Cartes Angloises & Hollandoises; par exemple la Carte de l'Amérique que le célebre M. Halley a publiée en 1700. & la nouvelle Carte de M. Pople [sic], mettent Panama 82. degrez 5. minutes à l'occident du Méridien de Londres, ce qui revient à 84. degrez 30. minutes du Méridien de Paris; & par conséquent portent cette place deux degrez 20. minutes trop à l'Ouest."

Bellin (1744, iii): "Cependant je ne puis me dispenser de parler de la grande Carte Angloise de l'Amérique Septentrionnale en 20 feuilles, publiée depuis quelques années par M. Popple, sous le nom d'Empire Anglois dans l'Amérique. Comme cette Carte est à plus grand point & plus détaillée, qu'aucune autre: beaucoup de personnes l'ont regardée comme un bon Ouvrage, auquel on pourroit avoir quelque confiance; mais il s'en faut bien, que cela foit ainsi, & je le prouverai dans la suite." Bellin (1746, 72): "I cannot omit, however, taking notice of the large English map of North America, publish'd some years ago by Mr Popple, by the title of the British empire in America. As this map is of a greater compass, and more circumstantial, than any other, many have been led to regard it as a good performance, which might be depended on; but that the case is quite otherwise, I shall easily make appear in the sequel, after I have first premised some account of the construction of my maps, and shewn the reader the principal remarks I have made use of, and the alterations they have produced."

Bellin (1744, xii): "Revenons à ma Carte des Lacs. [CARTE DES LACS DU CANADA (Kershaw 1993-97, No. 946-947)] […] Qu'on ne foit donc point surpris de voir que je fais courir le Lac Ontario Est & Ouest, tandis que la Carte de la Louysiane de M. Delille le fait courir Est Nord-Est & Ouest Sud-Ouest; & la Carte de Popple, Nord-Est & Sud-Ouest. Cette derniere marque le Fort de Cataroucoui à l'entrée du Lac Ontario, près d'un degré trop Septentrionnal." Bellin (1746, 72): The comments of Bellin regarding the Great Lakes are not present in this translation.

Bellin (1744, iv): "[l'Isle de Terre-Neuve.] Ainsi nous constatons avec la plus grande évidence la longueur de cette Isle du Nord au Sud, que la Carte Angloise [de Popple] fait d'un dégré trop grande. Sa largeueur de l'Est à l'Ouest est déterminée par les routes des Navigateurs, qui s'accordent à trouver du Cap de Rase au Cap de Raye, environ 80. lieuës; ils donnent aussi la latitude du Cap de Raye de 47. dégrés, 30. à 35. minutes. La Carte de Popple ne met que 50. lieuës entre ces deux Caps & place ce derniere 20. minutes trop Nord". Bellin (1746, 72): "So that from the best evidence I have given the true length of this isle, which the English map makes a degree too long. Its breadth from E. to W. is determin'd by all navigators, who agree that from Cape Raz to Cape Raye, is about 80 leagues, and that Cape Raye lies in Lat. 47^o 30', or 35', whereas Mr. Popple's map allows but 50 leagues distance, and places the latter 20' too far N."

Bellin (1746, 74): "Let my draught of this famous river [river St Laurence] be now compared with Mr Popple's, and the difference will appear surprising between us. For example, the breadth of the river at Matane, in mine, is 12 leagues, in his it is 28. In his the seven isles lie to the north of Matane, whereas they lie to the north east. The whole course of the river is equally defective in the English map. The one half of the islands are omitted, and the rest have neither their just proportions or situation."
 

In July 1740 Emanuel Bowen published "A SEQUEL to the Seat of WAR in the WEST INDIES, Containing: (1) a Map of the Isthmus of Panamá, exhibiting the Roads, with the course of the River Châgré thro the same (2) Curious Perfpective Views of the Harbour, Town, and Castles of Puerto Bello, as sent over by Commodore Brown (3) the Appearance at Sea of San Juan de Puerto Rico, with it's Castles from Admiral Vernon's own draught. the whole illustrated with remarks." "Published pursuant to Act of Parliament July 8.^th 1740 by E. Bowen Sold by Geo: Foster at y^e White Horse in S.^t Pauls Church Yard London." "E. Bowen Sculp." (Kapp 1971a, No. 59; BL Cat. No.: K CXXIV/21). Size: 356 mm width x 445 mm height - within borders. This Bowen map is not a copy of Popple's map. Bowen's map was advertised in THE LONDON DAILY POST, AND GENERAL ADVERTISER of July 8, 1740 and THE GENERAL EVENING POST of July 10-12, 1740 announcing that it contains "a Table comparing the Map with Mr. Popple's." See Note 35. Location of Foster and Bowen's maps: British Library, Map Library.
 

(1) Buache's copy of Popple (February 1741) - Title in box within borders at bottom-center: "CARTE de la partie Meridionale de L'ISLE DE TERRE NEUVE || Avec l'ISLE ROYALE nommée cy-devant Bacallao, Gaspée, ou du Cap Breton, || Et l'Isle de Sable Tirées de l'Amerique en 20. f.^les de M.^r Popple. || On a donné séparem.^t cette même Carte comparée avec celle dont le Plan a été rectifié || Par Philippe Buache. || Fevrier 1741." At bottom right corner, within borders, engraved "N.^o 3". Imprint below bottom border at center: "A PARIS sur le Quay de la Megisserie. Avec Privilege du Roy". Imprint below bottom border at right: "Desbruslins Sculpsit." Size between borders - 313 mm width x 235 mm height. (Tooley 1985, No. 94.3). LOCATION: HARVARD, in composite copy of V